21 June 1943

21 June 1943

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21 June 1943

War in the Air

RAF Bomber Command sends over 700 aircraft to attack Krefeld

US aircraft bomb Naples

New Georgia

US Troops land at Segi Point, eastern New Georgia, to protect a coastwatcher. The landing takes place nine days ahead of the planned starting point for Operation Toenails, the invasion of New Georgia.

What Is WLB Up to Now?

From Labor Action, Vol. 7 No. 25, 21 June 1943, pp.ف &ل.
Transcribed & marked up by Einde O’ Callaghan for the Encyclopaedia of Trotskyism On-Line (ETOL).

The “decision” on the settlement of the coal strike which is expected from the War Labor Board has not yet been announced as the time approaches for Labor Action to go to press. This is too bad. We would have liked to comment this week on what the board has to say and the “award” it makes, if any. But despite the fact that Labor Action goes to press before the WLB thunders forth again, there are a few significant happenings that require comment.

The first is the “fines” that Custodian Ickes threatened to levy against the miners. It is generally known that Ickes is Secretary of the Interior, Solid Fuels Administrator and Custodian of the Mines by directive of the President, following his “seizure” of the mines and making of them “United States property.”

We have commented in previous issues of this paper on the strange role of Mr. Ickes. He is mine custodian and the mines are “United States property,” but Mr. Ickes has no authority to deal with his new “employees” in the matter of wages and other matters involved in the present dispute! In all questions of contractual relations and wages, Ickes must take a back seat while the WLB takes over and does nothing that the miners can accept or agree with.

Although Mr. Ickes has no say in the matter of contracts and wages, it seems that he does have the authority to levy fines! We don’t know whether or not he has the power to collect the fines. What needs to be exposed is the manner in which Ickes handled this business of fines. There is a clause in the UMWA contract which says that if the miners go on strike during the life of the contract they shall be subject to a fine of $1.00 a day for the days each miner is on strike in violation of the contract.

Facts About the Contract

After the men had gone back to work following the first “truce” some operators attempted to levy fines for such “violations,” Ickes was against this, and so advised these operators.

When the second walk-out came on May 31 the miners had no contract with the operators or anyone else. Therefore they could not violate this or any other contract. Neither the government or the operators asked that the contract be extended. And yet it is because they were on strike during these five days that the miners were fined.

According to Ickes, it would be unjust for the operators to fine the miners for striking during a period in which the contract had been extended, but it was not unjust for the government to fine the miners for a walk-out at a time when the government had not asked for an extension of the contract, and when no contract, in fact, existed. Ickes perhaps would argue that the contract remains in operation automatically so long as the mines are “United States property.” This is an excellent example of the manner in which government bosses and bureaucrats interrupt and make “laws” to fit the occasion. Ickes was floored by the WLB and he tried a come-back, not against the WLB, but against the miners! Ickes, a government bureaucrat, is on a rampage, using his administrative post as a springboard.

Later he modified his order levying the fines. The miners owners were to be permitted to act as they saw fit. Operators in Pennsylvania and West Virginia employing 225,000 miners have already agreed to waive the fines. This means that few if any miners will be faced with the fines, since the order did not apply to the anthracite and captive workers.

A Behind-the-Scenes Fight

It is clear from all that is going on that the real battle from the side of the government and the operators is taking place behind the scenes. The WLB and Ickes maneuver with each other and against each other. The operators sit tight, grant nothing, still hoping that the government will pull them out of the ditch. That this is the situation is well illustrated by the latest move from the operators. The Central Pennsylvania Coal Producers Association, which had agreed to portal-to-portal pay of $1.30 a day, has now withdrawn from this agreement.

These operators say that they asked the UMWA to concur in an extension of this agreement beyond the one-year term which would expire April 1, 1944. This the UMWA would not agree to. We are of the opinion that pressure was put on these operators to try and get out of the agreement they had made for $1.30 portal-to-portal pay. If this agreement had been signed it would have set the standard for the rest of the country and by now the strike would have been settled.

There is strong evidence for the belief that the WLB and other New Deal government bosses do not want this strike settled in this manner. That is, they don’t want the operators and miners to come to agreement through collective bargaining processes between themselves and without the “aid” and intervention of the WLB:

The WLB has clearly demonstrated that it is against, genuine collective bargaining between employers and labor. Its whole handling of the mine strike has been an attempt to establish itself, a government board, as perpetual and decisive arbitrator. If the WLB can get away with this procedure, genuine collective bargaining will be a thing of the past.

Hold the Ranks

The actions of the WLB and Ickes in this strike give a clear indication of what is in store for labor if the unions do not arouse themselves from the dangerous slumber into which they have been lulled by the AFL-CIO leadership. An attempt is being made at the regimentation of labor by the government and under its direct supervision. The role of policeman will either be assigned to the WLB or this board will attempt to usurp such authority. What is more than tragic in this situation is the fact that leading officials of the AFL and the CIO have remained on the WLB throughout the mine dispute. Not only have they stayed there, but they have been part and parcel of the most outrageous unanimous decisions against the miners and their union.

All the miners need remember is what we have said again and again: they have an impregnable position, they are right, they can win. They must hold their ranks!

Of Special Interest to Women

From Labor Action, Vol. 7 No. 25, 21 June 1943, p.ك.
Transcribed & marked up by Einde O’ Callaghan for the Encyclopaedia of Trotskyism On-Line (ETOL).

If you have never known it before, you now know that cottage cheese is a good pinch-hitter for other proteins. Especially in hot weather is it a handy item to have around for salads and so on.

Last summer you could get a pound container of cottage cheese for eleven or twelve cents – and, according to the label, it was mixed with cream.

Now you pay seventeen or eighteen cents for a pound container – and it is NOT mixed with cream.

For a fifty per cent increase in price you, do not even get the same quality of merchandise – which is true not only of cottage cheese but of almost everything else you buy.

However, the Borden Company at least does not let you down completely. On its container where it used to say that cream had been added, it now kindly tells you to use cottage cheese as a meat substitute. Big-heartedly the company gives you the same amount of printing, even though it does not give you any cream in the cheese costing fifty per cent more.

Borden’s and other dairy product monopolists are indeed making hay while the sun shines – if you can mention the sun in connection with this global catastrophe.

By cutting down the milk deliveries to every other day, the companies are saving plenty of money on labor – while workers will be jobless.

The milk drivers’ union states that most of the house-to-house deliveries are made by horse and wagon. The claim that gas and rubber must be saved is therefore only another instance of bosses using the war to line their pockets with blood-stained gold.

Every time workers balk at being the goats, the bosses and their controlled molders of public opinion have a stereotyped answer ready: The workers are holding up the war effort!

A factory near Westport, Conn. – not named in the press, presumably for military reasons – is farming out homework to women in the neighborhood on a piece basis. The plant is making cable grips for the Signal Corps.

The head of the factory – who happens to be a woman – is very proud of this solution of the manpower “shortage” we are hearing so much about – while thousands of union workers in various industries are constantly finding themselves without work, and competent Negroes can’t get work.

The ingenious head of this factory also poses as a benefactor of the poor, stating for the press: “I’ve discovered real hardships the average Westport resident wouldn’t suspect poverty and pride, an urgent need for money in the home,” etc., etc.

The self-created halo must be pulled from the self-righteous head of this she-boss.

Piecework at home is definitely a method for undermining union standards. Unions cannot organize home workers. Consequently home workers are prey for the bosses – a source of cheap labor. This Westport she-boss knows from where come sable coats.

This column hasn’t paid its respects to Mrs. Roosevelt for quite some time. Amends are hereby made with the following long quotation from a speech by the First Lady about the miners’ strike:

“Take the company stores, for instance. They allow the miners to run up bills and keep them ‘in hock’ forever. And they charge higher prices for their goods than neighboring stores.

“If you go down into the mining areas you will find that mining is an extremely dangerous occupation, and I am not satisfied that always efforts are being made to make it less dangerous. In the matter of wages, the miners are working full time now, of course, but for years many miners never worked more than two and three days a week.

“That, undoubtedly, was hard on the mine owners, too – [poor things] – but nevertheless these miners ended the week often with pay envelopes containing as little as three cents. I have seen pay envelopes containing three cents.”

Based on her first-hand information of the miners’ hardships, Mrs. Roosevelt is of the opinion that the miners are entitled to “some concessions” in the light of what they and their families “have lived through for the past ten years.”

You, reader, being a bit logical in your thinking, may draw the conclusion from the above that Mrs. Roosevelt was at least not opposed to the miners’ strike. Banish the thought. She assured her listeners – in this case some two hundred Chinese students in this country – THAT SHE HAS NO SYMPATHY FOR THE MINERS’ STRIKE.

She failed to indicate in what other way the miners can get “some concessions” – nor did she account for the fact that she herself did not make speeches about the miners’ hardship BEFORE THEY WENT ON STRIKE.

Delayed reports from France via London tell of the heroic acts of French women against the Nazis. With all their might they have been opposing the deportation of their sons, husbands and fathers for slave labor in Germany.

Mass demonstrations have culminated in mothers, daughters and wives laying their bodies across the tracks in front of locomotives to prevent the. movement of trains carrying their men to slavery. This and other actions have kept between fifty and eighty per cent of the French workers conscripted for German factories from going. Vichy supposedly admits as much.

Is it reasonable to suppose that these militant, fighting women – undefeated in a defeated country – will be content with the post-war replacement of Hitlerism by the old-time rule of French capitalism represented by Giraud, de Gaulle et al.?

Many a bitter struggle have French working men and women fought against the fascist-infested French capitalist class before the war, In 1936, they were on the verge of making a workers’ revolution – the only salvation for the working people of the world.


On June 21, 1940, Velma Crismon (b. circa 1924), a student at Lincoln High School in Tacoma, types 113 words per minute at the International Typewriting Contest in Chicago, setting a new world record for high school students. She uses an early IBM electric typewriter with a keyboard patented by August Dvorak (1894-1975). A longtime education professor at the University of Washington, Dvorak is an efficiency researcher and has developed the keyboard in response to a request to analyze persistent errors among typing students.

A Competitive Keyboard

American speed typing competitions began in the early twentieth century, serving as promotional opportunities for competing typewriter brands. The first of the Chicago international contests was in 1906. It was won by 17-year-old Rose L. Fritz (1888-1959?), at 82 words per minute, and it made her a trans-Atlantic celebrity. The Prince of Wales, later King George V (1865-1936), asked her to autograph a letter she typed for him. Fast typists with a bit of flair could move beyond secretarial work and newspaper dictation into showmanship -- typing blindfolded, typing without finger protection in freezing weather, typing with mittens in warmer weather, typing on a metal drum to simulate the sound of a speeding train.

Dvorak was an education professor at the University of Washington with an interest in workplace efficiency when he got a request from a typing teacher. She wanted to know why typists tended to misspell a consistent list of short, familiar words. Dvorak used time-and-motion studies to determine that the issue was the placement of letters on the standard QWERTY keyboard. Users had to make unnecessary movements to spell many common words, leading to avoidable errors. He decided to come up with something better. Working with his brother-in-law, William Learned Dealey (1891-1986), he designed and patented a keyboard that grouped the most common letters and letter combinations to streamline finger motion.

The Dvorak Gospel

The University of Washington tried out his method in its typing classes, and Dvorak persuaded the Tacoma School District to teach it to 400 of its junior high students. They learned easily and typed fast. Some alumni of these programs became typing teachers themselves and spread the Dvorak gospel around the region, in turn producing many of the early contest champions.

During the period between 1933, when Dvorak and his disciples began teaching the system in the Pacific Northwest, and 1946, when the official contests ended, converts to the Dvorak keyboard set 26 international records. One reason so many competed was that Dvorak paid for many of their trips as a promotion of his system. "Between 1933 and 1941 he spent most of his university salary and the bulk of two small inheritances, about $40,000 in all, promoting his system" (Morgan, 12).

Speed on the Keys

Eight of the international records were set by Lenore Fenton (1912-2005), a University of Washington graduate from Snohomish. She reached an unofficial 182 words per minute using Dvorak's system. In 1943 she made a series of Navy training films on typing and later wrote an instruction book: Typing Techniques and Shortcuts. She donated her IBM Electromatic typewriter with a Dvorak keyboard to the Smithsonian Institution, where it appeared in a 1992 exhibit and slide show called "The Case Against QWERTY."

Olive Dalin (1917-2006), another Tacoman and Lincoln High School graduate, said the Dvorak keyboard she used at her job with the Bureau of Internal Revenue was almost too fast. "I can't slow down. If I work in a federal office where, say, the quota is 300 forms a day I end up doing a thousand. Then all the other girls are mad at me. So I try to adjust by speed by stopping and fixing my hair, or going out for coffee. Then the boss is mad at me" (Morgan, 3).

Crismon disappeared from public records after her four-trophy outing, perhaps in part because the competitions were suspended during the World War II years.

Velma Crismon, June 21, 1940

Detail of Chicago Tribune historical photo, fair use

Typewriter keyboard, patent 2,040,248 by A. Dvorak, May 21, 1932

August Dvorak and typing class, University of Washington, November 14, 1932

From John Ray, A Collection of English Proverbs (1678). ‘Disguised.’ ‘To have a piece of bread and cheese in your head.’ ‘He’s drunk more than he has bled.’ (ouch) ‘Been in the sun.’ ‘Had a jag.’ ‘Had a load.’ ‘To have got a dish.’ ‘To have had a cup too much.’ ‘To be one and…

On Michaelmas Eve, 1544, two women came to blows in the open street in Winchester. We know who they were. We know the approximate time (two in the afternoon), and we know there were plenty of witnesses. We also know exactly where the fight took place, for when the case came to court, the brawl…

The Racial History Of The 'Grandfather Clause'

The term "grandfathered" has become part of the language. It's an easy way to describe individuals or companies who get to keep operating under an existing set of expectations when new rules are put in place.

The troubled website reassures consumers that they can stay enrolled in grandfathered insurance plans that existed before the Affordable Care Act was enacted in 2010. Old power plants are sometimes grandfathered from having to meet new clean air requirements.

But like so many things, the term "grandfather," used in this way, has its roots in America's racial history. It entered the lexicon not just because it suggests something old, but because of a specific set of 19th century laws regulating voting.

The 15th Amendment, which prohibited racial discrimination in voting, was ratified by the states in 1870. If you know your history, you'll realize that African-Americans were nevertheless kept from voting in large numbers in Southern states for nearly a century more.

Various states created requirements — literacy tests and poll taxes and constitutional quizzes — that were designed to keep blacks from registering to vote. But many poor Southern whites were at risk of also losing their rights because they could not have met such expectations.

"If all these white people are going to be noncitizens along with blacks, the idea is going to lose a lot of support," says James Smethurst, who teaches African-American studies at the University of Massachusetts.

The solution? A half-dozen states passed laws that made men eligible to vote if they had been able to vote before African-Americans were given the franchise (generally, 1867), or if they were the lineal descendants of voters back then.

This was called the grandfather clause. Most such laws were enacted in the early 1890s.

"The grandfather clause is actually not a means of disenfranchising anybody," says Michael Klarman, a Harvard law professor. "It was a means of enfranchising whites who might have been excluded by things like literacy clauses. It was politically necessary, because otherwise you'd have too much opposition from poor whites who would have been disenfranchised."

But protecting whites from restrictions meant to apply to African-Americans was obviously another form of discrimination itself.

"Because of the 15th Amendment, you can't pass laws saying blacks can't vote, which is what they wanted to do," says Eric Foner, a Columbia University historian. "But the 15th Amendment allowed restrictions that were nonracial. This was pretty prima facie a way to allow whites to vote, and not blacks."

Some state legislatures enacted grandfather clauses despite knowing they couldn't pass constitutional muster. The Louisiana state constitutional convention adopted a grandfather clause even though one of the state's own U.S. senators warned it would be "grossly unconstitutional."

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For that reason, nearly every state put a time limit on their grandfather clauses. They hoped to get whites registered before these laws could be challenged in court.

"Once you've got people removed from the rolls, it becomes less necessary," Smethurst says. "The white people are on the rolls, and the black people are not."

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Tracing The Story Of 'Lynch Mob'

African-Americans typically lacked the financial resources to file suit. The NAACP, founded in 1909, persuaded a U.S. attorney to challenge Oklahoma's grandfather clause, which had been enacted in 1910.

Of the more than 55,000 blacks who were in Oklahoma in 1900, only 57 came from states that had permitted African-Americans to vote in 1867, according to Klarman's book From Jim Crow to Civil Rights: The Supreme Court and the Struggle for Racial Equality.

In 1915, the Supreme Court ruled unanimously in Guinn v. United States that grandfather clauses were unconstitutional. The court in those days upheld any number of segregationist laws — and even in Guinn specified that literacy tests untethered from grandfather clauses were OK.

The justices were concerned that the grandfather clause was not only discriminatory but a clear attempt by a state to nullify the federal Constitution. It "was so obvious an evasion that the Supreme Court could not have failed to declare it unconstitutional," The Washington Post wrote at the time.

The decision had almost no effect, however. The Oklahoma Legislature met in special session to grandfather in the grandfather clause. The new law said those who had been registered in 1914 — whites under the old system — were automatically registered to vote, while African-Americans could only register between April 30 and May 11, 1916, or forever be disenfranchised.

That law stayed on the books until a Supreme Court ruling in 1939.

The intent of the grandfather clause, however, was not strictly to placate some whites while discriminating against blacks, says Spencer Overton, author of Stealing Democracy: The New Politics of Voter Suppression. It was also about power.

In that era, most African-Americans voted Republican, the party of Abraham Lincoln.

"The whole objective of excluding African-Americans was not just white supremacy," Overton says. "It was, 'We're Democrats they're Republicans and we're going to exclude them.' I'm not saying there weren't racial overtones, but there were significant partisan overtones as well."

The same trick had been used against white immigrants in the Northeast. It's worth remembering that Massachusetts and Connecticut were the first states to impose literacy tests, in hopes of keeping immigrants — who often supported Democrats in a largely Republican region — from voting.

At least one grandfather clause in the South was based on a Massachusetts statute from 1857, says Overton, who teaches law at George Washington University.

Perhaps it's because the grandfather clause was not solely about race — and because it was banned a century ago — most people use the term "grandfathered in" and never realize it once had racial connotations.

"This term 'grandfather' has been kind of deracialized," Overton says. "It's really a very convenient, shorthand term. We probably would not be as comfortable with using it if we associated it with grandfather clauses in the past and poll taxes and things like that."

Borger Daily Herald (Borger, Tex.), Vol. 17, No. 180, Ed. 1 Monday, June 21, 1943

Daily newspaper from Borger, Texas that includes local, state, and national news along with extensive advertising.

Physical Description

six pages : ill. page 22 x 18 in. Digitized from 35 mm. microfilm.

Creation Information


This newspaper is part of the collection entitled: Texas Digital Newspaper Program and was provided by the Hutchinson County Library, Borger Branch to The Portal to Texas History, a digital repository hosted by the UNT Libraries. More information about this issue can be viewed below.

People and organizations associated with either the creation of this newspaper or its content.




Check out our Resources for Educators Site! We've identified this newspaper as a primary source within our collections. Researchers, educators, and students may find this issue useful in their work.

Provided By

Hutchinson County Library, Borger Branch

The Hutchinson County Library strives to provide services on a fair and equitable basis to all individuals and groups in the community. It aims to be a source of lifelong learning to help meet the need for information and answers to general questions from all walks of life. It also contains the Hutchinson County Genealogical Society.

IBM AS/400

On June 21, 1988, IBM introduced the Application System/400 (AS/400), a new family of easy-to-use computers designed for small and intermediate-sized companies. As part of the worldwide introduction, IBM and IBM Business Partners worldwide rolled out more than 1,000 software packages in the biggest simultaneous applications announcement in computer history.

Seen here are the AS/400 B-series models (IBM 9404 and IBM 9406), which illustrate the varying sizes and configurations available in the initial offering.

The AS/400 quickly became one of the world's most popular business computing systems. By 1997, IBM had shipped nearly a half-million AS/400s. The 400,000th AS/400 was presented on October 9, 1996, in Rochester, Minn., to Greg LeMond, the three-time winner of the Tour de France bicycle race and a small business entrepreneur.

The AS/400 family was succeeded in 2000 by the IBM eServer iSeries -- high-performance, integrated business servers for mid-market companies.

In Cleveland, Ohio in 1993, the J C Smith funeral home had recently closed and&hellip



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Unsolved Mystery of the Keddie Cabin Murders

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HMCS Haida National Historic Site

A Tribal class warship that visitors can tour in Hamilton, Ontario.

Centenary of the Battle of Vimy Ridge

Exhibitions at the Canadian War Museum and on tour internationally.

Wings on Her Shoulder (film)

Documentary on the Woman's Division of the Royal Canadian Air Force of 1943.

Watch the video: Germanys Russian Offensive, 1943 (May 2022).


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